| gumnaam08:07 UTC16 Nov 2007 | (I know, the 'travel posting only' police will be up in arms, but it is interesting!)
FROM: The Guardian.
Photojournalist climbs outside of Eiffel Tower in protest against Total
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| cabs98508:47 UTC16 Nov 2007 | I would have missed this great story if you had not posted it – thanks, gumnaam, for posting it!
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| tripmonkeys09:40 UTC16 Nov 2007 | Thanks, it is a great story. Good on him.
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| solohobo10:15 UTC16 Nov 2007 | The French....are about to strike too....
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| rectravel10:57 UTC16 Nov 2007 | Did someone not do this already, back in 1989 or something, before the Mujaadin took over in Afghanistan?
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| blue16:39 UTC16 Nov 2007 | Thanks. I too would have missed it, without your posting the link
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| lucysmom04:09 UTC17 Nov 2007 | ditto.
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| rectravel11:35 UTC17 Nov 2007 | If anyone missed it, Total's response has been on the Internet for nearly 20 years now. See it on
http://burma.total.com/</a><BR><BR>Total’s presence in Myanmar (Burma) has been surrounded by controversy and misperception. The European Parliament has denounced the “dire political situation”* in Myanmar and the International Labour Organization (ILO) regularly criticizes the country’s “widespread and systematic” resort to forced labor. A number of Western companies have withdrawn from Myanmar under pressure from activist groups. The question now is what Total is doing there, what it has already done and why it is staying in Myanmar.
Unfortunately, the world’s oil and gas reserves are not necessarily located in democracies, as a glance at a map shows. As a result, oil companies often face criticism and questions from civil society concerning their operations in countries with repressive regimes, their relations with governments, the security measures deployed to protect their facilities, and the way in which host countries spend oil revenues.
Wherever we operate, we are dedicated to developing economically viable projects while adhering to national and international laws and ensuring compliance with our Code of Conduct. Long before joining the UN Secretary-General’s Global Compact initiative in 2002, we had demonstrated a constant commitment to responsible corporate citizenship and have always aimed to contribute to economic and social progress and environmental stewardship in our host countries.
Total has been the subject of numerous allegations and accusations that challenge both our presence in Myanmar and our actions there. This web site provides a history of our engagement in Myanmar and describes the initiatives that have been implemented. Rather than respond to the unwarranted criticism, we want to restore balanced debate on whether a responsible multinational company can contribute positively to the economic and social development of a country that faces sharp internal divisions.
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| rectravel12:00 UTC17 Nov 2007 | Read in particular the last paragraph in part 3.
Does anyone here have something to contradict this Total claim about their Yadana gas pipeline project?
http://burma.total.com/en/contexte/p_1_1.htm</a><BR><BR>Human Rights in Myanmar
Many international organizations and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are highly critical of the human rights situation in Myanmar. The United States and the European Union have imposed sanctions designed to put pressure on the regime, while human rights activists and many media have reported serious allegations of abuse.
The criticism covers three main areas.
1. Civil liberties and political dialogue
The country has been governed by a succession of military regimes since 1962. A new generation of military rulers came to power in 1988 following student demonstrations against the lack of civil liberties and poor management of the country's economy. The protests were repressed by the new government, which then declared that it would manage the transition to democracy. Elections were held in 1990, but when ruling authorities lost to the National League for Democracy (NLD), a coalition led by Aung San Suu Kyi, they refused to transfer power to the winners.
Despite the pledges made, proponents of democracy were tracked down and imprisoned. No genuine political dialogue was established between the military junta and the party leaders, whose activities were severely restricted.
In late May 2003, during a political tour in the provinces, members of the NLD were attacked and imprisoned. The number of victims is unknown. Aung San Suu Kyi was spirited away (placed in "protective custody," according to government officials) and has been under house arrest since October 2003. Total voiced its concern in the wake of these events, which were a serious setback on the road to national reconciliation. In 2004, it appeared that national reconciliation was on the agenda, supported by the possible introduction of a new constitution, in line with the roadmap published by former Prime Minister Khin Nyunt. Prime Minister Khin Nyunt was ousted in October 2004, when he, colleagues and relatives were placed under arrest. Senior General Than Shwe and General Maung Aye consolidated their paramount power. Implementation of the roadmap continued, but at a much slower pace, triggering international protests. Aung San Suu Kyi's detention is regularly renewed, and opponents of the regime continue to be hounded. As well, the ILO is still denouncing the ongoing practice of forced labor.
2. Methods used to repress rebellion by ethnic minorities
Myanmar is home to 135 different ethnic groups, the largest of which is the Burman, accounting for around 55% of the population. Other groups, such as the Shan, Kachin, Mon and Karen, have strong cultural identities and are also present in large numbers. The social pact between the peoples of Myanmar is fragile, and very strong splintering forces have fueled uprisings by a number of minorities - some of which, like the Karen, have been fighting for more than 50 years. The Myanmar Army, which perceives itself as the guarantor of national unity, has stepped up its actions against rebel minorities since 1988. Human rights activists have denounced the repression, which they allege has involved forced relocation, conscription, including of children, rape, torture, summary executions and the razing of villages. The Myanmar army appears to have recently resumed military action against ethnic groups.
3. Forced labor
Conscription of local villagers by the government and the Army to work without pay to build public infrastructure or to perform other tasks is a long-established practice in Myanmar, as this is also the case in other underdeveloped countries that lack an established tax base. Although this practice dates back to British colonial times and was codified in the Town Act of 1907 and the Village Act of 1908, it has been censured in recent years by the International Labour Organization (ILO)..
Under Article 26 of its Constitution, the ILO created a Commission of Inquiry to examine Myanmar's observance of the Forced Labor Convention, 1930. In 1998, the commission published a very detailed report based on interviews with a large number of Myanmar nationals and witnesses from non-governmental organizations. In particular, the report criticized the conditions under which the Army recruited villagers as porters or for other tasks such as military camp work, growing food for soldiers and performing road maintenance, and the abuses that sometimes accompanied them, such as extortion of money and ill treatment.
The report served as a foundation for critical dialogue between the ILO and the Myanmar government. One positive outcome was the repeal in 1999 of the Village Act and the Town Act, thereby making forced labor illegal in Myanmar. Another was the appointment of an ILO representative to Yangon to liaise with the government, observe the situation and implement aid programs to progress change.
Although national legislation has recently been brought into line with ILO principles, forced labor still exists in Myanmar. Eradicating this deeply rooted historic practice would demand a sustained commitment on the part of the government. In response to persistent recourse to forced labor, the ILO has threatened to institute proceedings against Myanmar in the International Criminal Court. The government of Myanmar unconvincingly refutes the allegations.
Indeed, according to the ILO, the only region in the country in which forced labor has ceased is the area in which the Yadana gas pipeline was built. Long before the government’s dialog with the ILO started, Total helped bring about a change in those practices by clearly and repeatedly demonstrating its opposition to forced labor in response to allegations regarding local incidents that came to Total’s attention.
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